Gaza War Rattles European Politics from the Left 

This photograph taken in Paris on June 3, 2024 shows a campaign poster of French socialist party (PS) lead candidate Raphael Glucksmann next to a graffiti reading "free Gaza" on an electoral panel ahead of the June 9 European elections in France. (AFP)
This photograph taken in Paris on June 3, 2024 shows a campaign poster of French socialist party (PS) lead candidate Raphael Glucksmann next to a graffiti reading "free Gaza" on an electoral panel ahead of the June 9 European elections in France. (AFP)
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Gaza War Rattles European Politics from the Left 

This photograph taken in Paris on June 3, 2024 shows a campaign poster of French socialist party (PS) lead candidate Raphael Glucksmann next to a graffiti reading "free Gaza" on an electoral panel ahead of the June 9 European elections in France. (AFP)
This photograph taken in Paris on June 3, 2024 shows a campaign poster of French socialist party (PS) lead candidate Raphael Glucksmann next to a graffiti reading "free Gaza" on an electoral panel ahead of the June 9 European elections in France. (AFP)

Nadir Aslam, a German of Moroccan-Pakistani heritage, had been planning to vote Green in this week's elections to the European Parliament. Instead, he will throw his support behind Mera25, a start-up leftist party with a clear pro-Palestinian stance.

Aslam, 33, told Reuters it was a speech last November by a Green leader doubling down on German support for Israel, even as the Gaza death toll neared 9,000, which "destroyed" his support for the ecologist party, a member of Germany's ruling coalition.

This shift in support, echoed across Europe, represents the latest threat - this time from the left - to mainstream political parties whose project to deepen European integration is already under attack from the far-right.

The trend is not only among the EU's Muslim communities but also among left-leaning voters who see a double standard in Europe's condemnation of the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel but failure to call out Israel for its military assault on Gaza which has killed more than 36,000 Palestinians.

"We have a rise in radical right and radical left parties, (which will) reshape the policy landscape in Europe, the balance of power of several parties," said Samira Azabar, a sociologist at Radboud University in the Netherlands. This could have consequences for the bloc's position on Israel and also drive policies granting more decision-making power at a national level, she said.

EU members Spain and Ireland have recognized a Palestinian state, as has Slovenia's government, pending parliamentary approval.

POLARIZATION

While the popularity of the far-right has been rising in recent years, surveys show minorities have been voting more for the radical left as mainstream parties drift rightwards on issues such as migration and cultural values. Polling last month by Ipsos showed the far-right set to make the biggest gains in the June 6-9 elections, with the Left group in the EU assembly gaining six more seats - both at the expense of the Social Democrat, Green and Renew Europe blocs.

In France, far-left La France Insoumise (LFI) has centered its campaign on a pro-Palestinian stance in a bid to win Muslim and radical-left voters, said Blandine Chelini-Pont, a historian at Aix-Marseille University.

It seeks an arms embargo, sanctions on Israel, recognition of a Palestinian state and - in contrast to other left-wing groups - refrains from calling Hamas a terrorist group. Among Muslim voters in France it polls at 44% support compared to its 8% share of the electorate as a whole.

"Some will say we are surfing on an electorate but who are we speaking about? These are citizens of this country who do not have a racist vision of society," LFI lawmaker Sebastien Delogu told Reuters.

France's Socialists also seek recognition of a Palestinian state but do not share LFI's stance on Hamas. "LFI has a relationship with violence that is not okay," lead Socialist candidate Raphael Glucksmann told Reuters, who says his rise in the polls to third place at 14% is in part due to his choice to distance himself from LFI.

HISTORICAL FACTORS

In Germany, pro-Palestinian startup parties are eroding support for the German Greens and Social Democrats, two of the mainstream parties which have maintained a staunch support for Israel due to Germany's historical responsibility for the Holocaust.

Aside from leftist Mera25, other pro-Palestinian start-ups include socially conservative groups like DAVA and BIG and the euroskeptic party BSW - which wants an arms embargo on Israel while pushing anti-immigration policies.

Supporters of BSW, which is polling at 7%, are 50% more likely to recognize a Palestinian state than the overall German electorate.

In Spain, where tensions with Israel date back to the Franco dictatorship, government recognition of a Palestinian state is shoring up support for parties in the ruling coalition, the Socialist Party (PSOE) and far-left Sumar.

"The Palestinian issue has become central to the political debate in Spain," said David Hernandez, professor of International Relations at the Complutense University of Madrid.

Rima Hassan, candidate for the European elections on the list of La France Insoumise (LFI), poses for a selfie with a young woman at a pro-Palestinian gathering in central Paris, France, May 29, 2024. (Reuters)

MOBILIZING THE MINORITY VOTE

Voter turnout could be key.

Radboud University's Azabar noted that turnout was often lower among ethnic minorities than for the general population in EU elections, but the Gaza war may be a motivation this time.

Foreign policy issues have a track record of impacting the ethnic minority vote. In 2016, Germany's Social Democrats lost some 100,000 Turkish voters after recognizing the Armenian genocide of the First World War, said Teyfik Özcan, chairman of DAVA, a new party targeting Turkish diaspora voters.

Özcan, a former SPD member, said his party offered the option of a protest vote that didn't exist until now.

"Germans have the opportunity to say, 'Okay, I'm voting for the (far-right) AfD in protest.' Muslims cannot do that," he told Reuters.

A December survey by the Institute of Political Science at the University of Duisberg-Essen showed that one in three German Muslims did not feel represented by any party.

A new sense of political representation resonates for French voters too. LFI has named as a candidate French-Palestinian lawyer Rima Hassan, who is present at protests, active on social media and is petitioning the EU to suspend its association agreement with Israel.

Chama Tahiri Ivorra, a 34-year-old French-Moroccan chef, said she had never voted in a European election but would this time.

"Voting for Rima is an act of resistance," she said. "I don't know all the points on LFI's program but what she and their other members say about Palestine is just."



Why the Israel-Hezbollah Conflict is Heating Up Again

Border fence between Lebanon and Israel (AFP)
Border fence between Lebanon and Israel (AFP)
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Why the Israel-Hezbollah Conflict is Heating Up Again

Border fence between Lebanon and Israel (AFP)
Border fence between Lebanon and Israel (AFP)

A deadly rocket strike in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights has added to concerns that Israel and the Iran-backed Lebanese group Hezbollah could be sucked into a full-scale war - something they have both previously indicated they want to avoid but for which they have also said they are ready.
Israel said on Sunday it would strike hard at Hezbollah after accusing the group of killing 12 children and teenagers in a rocket attack on a football field in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights. Hezbollah denied any responsibility for the attack on Majdal Shams, the deadliest in Israel or Israeli-annexed territory since Hamas' Oct. 7 assault sparked the war in Gaza, reported Reuters.
This is the background to hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah:
WHY ARE THEY FIGHTING?
Hezbollah began trading fire with Israel on Oct. 8, a day after the Palestinian militant group Hamas attacked communities in southern Israel and sparked the Gaza war.
Hezbollah, a Hamas ally, says its attacks aim to support Palestinians who are under Israeli bombardment in Gaza.
The Gaza war has drawn in Iran-backed militants across the region. Hezbollah is widely deemed the most powerful member of the Iran-backed network, known as the Axis of Resistance.
Hezbollah has said repeatedly it will not halt its attacks on Israel unless a ceasefire in Gaza comes into force.
While linked to Gaza, the conflict has its own dynamics.
Israel and Hezbollah have fought numerous wars.
The last was in 2006.
Israel has long viewed Hezbollah as the biggest threat at its borders and has been deeply alarmed by its growing arsenal, and the foothold it has established in Syria.
Hezbollah's ideology is largely defined by conflict with Israel. It was founded by Iran's Revolutionary Guards in 1982 to fight Israeli forces that had invaded Lebanon that year, and waged years of guerrilla war that led Israel to withdraw from south Lebanon in 2000.
Hezbollah deems Israel an illegitimate state established on occupied Palestinian lands and wants to see it gone.
WHAT'S THE IMPACT SO FAR?
The current conflict has already taken a toll on both sides.
Tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes on both sides of the border. Israeli airstrikes have pounded areas where Hezbollah operates in southern Lebanon and struck the Bekaa Valley near the Syrian border.
Israel has also occasionally hit elsewhere, notably killing a senior Hamas commander in Beirut on Jan. 2.
Israeli strikes have killed some 350 Hezbollah fighters in Lebanon and more than 100 civilians, including medics, children and journalists, according to security and medical sources and a Reuters tally of death notifications issued by Hezbollah.
The Israeli military said after Saturday's attack the death toll among civilians killed in Hezbollah attacks had risen to 23 since October, along with at least 17 soldiers. Hezbollah denied it was responsible for Saturday's attack.
In Israel, the displacement of so many Israelis is a big political issue. Officials had hoped they would be able to go home for the school year beginning Sept. 1 but that has looked increasingly unlikely as the standoff has continued.
HOW MUCH WORSE COULD IT GET?
A lot. Despite the ferocity of these hostilities, this is still seen as a relatively contained confrontation.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned in December that Beirut would be turned "into Gaza" if Hezbollah started an all-out war.
Hezbollah has previously signaled it is not seeking to widen the conflict while also saying it is ready to fight any war imposed on it and warning that it has used only a small part of its capabilities so far.
Any move by Israel to expand the conflict would be met by "devastation, destruction and displacement" in Israel, Hezbollah deputy leader Sheikh Naim Qassem said in an interview with Al Jazeera in June.
Past wars have inflicted heavy damage.
In 2006, Israeli strikes leveled large areas of Beirut's Hezbollah-controlled southern suburbs, knocked out Beirut airport, and hit roads, bridges and other infrastructure. Nearly 1 million people in Lebanon fled their homes.
In Israel, the impact included 300,000 people fleeing their homes to escape Hezbollah rockets and some 2,000 homes destroyed.
Hezbollah has a far bigger arsenal than in 2006, including rockets it says can hit all parts of Israel.
It has demonstrated advances in its weaponry since October, shooting down Israeli drones, launching its own explosive drones into Israel, and firing more sophisticated guided missiles.
Israeli troops have invaded Lebanon several times in the past, reaching as far as Beirut in the 1982 invasion that aimed to crush Lebanon-based Palestinian guerrillas.
IS ESCALATION AVOIDABLE?
Much will depend on what happens in Gaza, where efforts to agree a ceasefire and a return of Israeli hostages have faltered. A ceasefire there could help bring about a rapid de-escalation of tensions in southern Lebanon.
The United States, which deems Hezbollah a terrorist group, has been at the heart of diplomatic efforts aimed at easing the conflict.
Hezbollah has signaled its eventual openness to an agreement that benefits Lebanon, but has said there can be no discussions until Israel halts the Gaza offensive.
Israel has also said it would prefer a diplomatic settlement that would restore security in the north, but says it is also prepared for a military offensive to achieve the same goal.
The US official at the heart of diplomatic contacts, Amos Hochstein, brokered an unlikely diplomatic deal between Lebanon and Israel in 2022 over their disputed maritime boundary.
Hochstein said on May 30 he did not expect peace between Hezbollah and Israel but that a set of understandings could remove some of the impetus for conflict and establish a recognized border between Lebanon and Israel.
A French proposal submitted to Beirut in February included elite Hezbollah fighters withdrawing 10 km (6 miles) from the frontier and negotiations aimed at settling disputes over the land border.